Issues of religion, state and multiculturalism raise significant questions about values and politics everywhere. In Israel’s splintered society, these questions often arouse strong polemics between the various sectors and their representatives. Take the following example: Politicians, academics and social activists — whether ultra-Orthodox, religious or secular — may agree that ultra-Orthodox Jews should be encouraged to enter the work force. They may even agree that the best way to achieve this goal is through higher education. However, they do not agree on the social price that must be paid to realize this goal. There is even less agreement on who, exactly, should pay that price.

According to data from the Bank of Israel, about 44.5% of ultra-Orthodox men are part of the work force today (compared with about 78% of the non-ultra-Orthodox population). Most are employed in lower-paid positions, which perpetuates the poverty of their population and increases their burden on society at large.

On March 13, the Knesset passed the draft law to regulate Israel Defense Forces recruitment in the ultra-Orthodox sector. One of the law’s articles enables thousands of ultra-Orthodox men aged 22 and older who have not yet served in the army to leave their rabbinical colleges and enter the work force. Until now, they have needed to remain in the religious studies framework until age 27 to avoid military service. But according to the bank, the chances that these young men will improve their socioeconomic status through higher education are slim, despite new opportunities for employment.

The Council for Higher Education (CHE) reported to the Knesset in February 2014 that many ultra-Orthodox men would like to study in the coming academic year. However, it seems that most will not do so, because they refuse to study in institutions where men and women sit together in classrooms.