On May 15, the fourth parliamentary session was held to elect the president of Lebanon. For the fourth consecutive time, the session was postponed due to the lack of a quorum. A new session was scheduled for May 22, and this could be the last or next-to-last session before the constitutionally specified deadline for electing a president ends at midnight on May 24. At this time, there is nothing to indicate that the fate of this session will differ from that of its predecessors. If the required quorum is not achieved, then a presidential vacuum will be inevitable, and this could open the door for the obstruction of all institutions and mechanisms of governance.

First, the March 8 bloc is resorting to the weapon of "obstructing [parliamentary] sessions," trying to prevent the arrival of any candidate who does not enjoy its approval, and this is done under the pretext of preserving Lebanon’s "National Pact," the unwritten agreement laying down the foundation of Lebanon’s confessional system. Thus, the parliamentary one-third has transformed into an "effective minority," taking the place of the effective majority. This is because, by using this third to prevent a quorum, it has the right to veto any topic or item until it agrees on it, before resorting to the ballot box. Indeed, this bloc had already instilled the principle of the blocking third at the government level, especially after the Doha Agreement in 2009. The fact that March 8 had a third of ministerial posts in the government gave it the ability to disrupt all decisions that it did not agree with.

Second, the latest reasons provided by March 8 for disrupting sessions is that it rejects the March 14 bloc's announced candidate, Sami Geagea, under the pretext that the latter is a "provocative" candidate, as was stated by a Hezbollah official. The irony is that the bloc disrupting the session rejects all of the candidates who have been announced thus far, but hasn't presented any candidate itself. And there are many candidates: In addition to the March 14 bloc's candidate, there are centrist candidates, such as member of parliament (MP) Henry Helou, and others from outside parliament who have expressed their readiness to assume the post of president.

Of course, the March 8 bloc's unofficial candidate is Gen. Michel Aoun, who insists on being a consensus candidate. This is what is visible, yet what's going on behind the scenes is still unknown. Are there preparations to fill the vacuum in the event that Aoun is not agreed upon as a consensus candidate? Or will the vacuum continue, and what will be its repercussions?