Saudi Arabia seeks to pressure China over Houthi arms without risking ties

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The war in Yemen and continued Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia are exposing rare tensions between Riyadh and Beijing.

Recent reports by Bloomberg and the Wall Street Journal have revealed how Chinese-sourced components are helping the Iran-backed Houthis develop missiles and drones.

Saudi Arabia is signaling its displeasure but it is unlikely to risk a confrontation with China, its largest trading partner and a major buyer of its oil, even as those weapons threaten its security.

So how can Riyadh pressure Beijing without jeopardizing a strategic relationship?

How Chinese components are reaching Houthis

A Sept. 23 Bloomberg investigation detailed how Chinese-made equipment, chemicals and other dual-use components were reaching Houthi-controlled Yemen, potentially supporting domestic missile and drone production.

On Oct. 14, the Wall Street Journal reported findings by the UK-based Conflict Armament Research indicating that the Houthis were attempting to manufacture an advanced ballistic missile using components sourced from Chinese suppliers.

The weapon would reportedly resemble Iran's Kheibar Shekan precision-guided missile, with a potential range of roughly 2,000 kilometers (1,240 miles), putting targets across Saudi Arabia and Israel within reach.

The developments are not entirely surprising. Last year, the US Treasury sanctioned several China-based companies accused of supplying Houthis with missile and drone material. 

There is an important caveat, though: The reports identified Chinese commercial suppliers and procurement networks, but did not directly implicate the Chinese government in authorizing military support for the Houthis.

Beijing is even denying the commercial links. In an Oct. 19 interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Shao Zheng, charge d'affaires at the Chinese Embassy to Yemen, rejected claims that Chinese companies were supplying military-related components to the Houthis.

He insisted that Beijing strictly enforces export controls and complies with UN sanctions.

Saudi Arabia's careful balancing act

Riyadh has so far avoided directly accusing China of facilitating the Houthis' weapons supply chain, but the issue is becoming increasingly difficult to ignore.

Recent Houthi attacks on Saudi infrastructure, including King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh, have killed at least 17 people, injured hundreds, disrupted aviation and raised concerns about the kingdom's security.

The economic fallout is only growing, as Al-Monitor's Jack Dutton reports. Saudi Arabia has postponed its flagship Future Investment Initiative conference until 2027, a setback for its ambition to attract international investment.

Meanwhile, Yemen's Saudi-backed government confirmed this month that it had raised concerns over Chinese dual-use technology with Beijing.

Yemeni Foreign Minister Afrah al-Zouba said Chinese officials were willing to investigate the allegations and emphasized their continued support for Yemen's internationally recognized government.

Saudi news organizations are also examining the issue. Arab News published an investigation into the international supply chains allowing missile components to reach the Houthis.

These developments suggest that Riyadh may be seeking to increase pressure on Beijing without turning the dispute into a public diplomatic confrontation.

Why Riyadh is unlikely to risk a rift

1. Economic interdependence

China is Saudi Arabia's largest trading partner and a major customer for its oil.

Chinese investment and technology are also becoming increasingly important to Vision 2030, particularly in manufacturing, infrastructure, renewable energy and electric vehicles. Just this week, a Saudi-Chinese consortium nabbed a $306 million contract for major expansion of the Prince Mohammed bin Salman Stadium in Qiddiya for the 2034 FIFA World Cup.

2. Riyadh needs strategic alternatives to Washington

The United States remains Saudi Arabia's principal security partner, but recent Houthi attacks have underscored the limitations of relying on American protection.

As Al-Monitor's Rosaleen Carroll reports, Washington is rethinking its traditional role as the region's security guarantor, with US envoy Tom Barrack signaling that Middle Eastern governments must assume greater responsibility for their defense.

Riyadh has spent years diversifying its strategic partnerships, including through stronger ties with Beijing. Alienating China would undermine that approach at a particularly sensitive moment. China is also an important supplier of military technology to Saudi Arabia. Riyadh has purchased Chinese ballistic missiles dating back to the 1980s and, more recently, Chinese-made armed drones, including the Wing Loong series that have been reportedly used on the battlefield in Yemen. The two countries have also pursued cooperation in drone production and other defense technologies as Saudi Arabia seeks to diversify its military suppliers and develop domestic manufacturing capabilities.

3. Saudi Arabia wants China to use its influence over Iran

China brokered the March 2023 agreement that restored diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran, presenting itself as a credible mediator between two regional rivals.

But renewed Houthi attacks have raised questions about Beijing's ability to translate that diplomatic success into regional stability.

On a recent trip to China, former Saudi intelligence chief Prince Turki al-Faisal urged Beijing to play a more robust role in upholding the agreement it helped broker.

Saudi Arabia is likely to pursue quiet diplomatic pressure, better intelligence sharing and demands for tighter Chinese export controls to Yemen. The real test is how far China will go in reining in commercial suppliers that are providing such equipment to the Houthis and their main backer, Iran. While China has mostly hedged its bets in the US-Israel-Iran war, the Houthi escalation against Saudi Arabia could force to move beyond its traditional neutral stance.