The Russian media portrayed the visit by Iranian President Hassan Rouhani to Moscow March 27-28 as a big deal. Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Iranian counterpart discussed numerous issues, ranging from international conflicts to culture, signed 16 cooperation agreements and declared an unprecedented increase in bilateral trade as the pivotal indicator of their successful relations. Analysts were largely optimistic about the meeting, forecasting a bright future for the Moscow-Tehran alliance, or at least a credible effort. The real reasons for the meeting between the two leaders, who could have settled issues without a high-ranking official display, lies offstage. One reason was Rouhani’s desire to make his last official trip before presidential elections a memorable and high-profile visit.

Any suggestion of possible Russian interference in Iran's May 19 presidential election with the aim of installing a more desirable, conservative candidate is likely a conspiracy theory. What should be considered, however, is how Rouhani's Moscow visit serves the aims of his re-election campaign. Indeed, he is the person whose name is attached to the decision to invest in improving Iran’s relationship with the West. As hopes of continuing on this path began to fade with the election of Donald Trump as US president, followed by Trump's executive orders on travel affecting Iranians, Rouhani felt the need to publicly demonstrate good relations in another area of his administration's foreign policy. Today in Iran, domestic issues are being overshadowed by discussion of Trump’s victory and its consequences for Iran and not least the threat of the Islamic State.

Essentially, with the list of presidential candidates unknown until April 11, when registration begins, it is hard to make credible predictions about the result. Rouhani already feels the need, however, to counter the criticisms being lodged against his administration for its policy outcomes. Conservative media did not decry his “pro-Russian effort.” Although the visit was more gesture than substance, it was in line with the preferences of some in the Iranian government and society who are skeptical about improving relationships with the West.

Despite the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) resulting in visits by Western delegations, foreign investment in Iran and the economy remain sluggish, providing an opening for conservatives to sharply attack the “sheikh of diplomacy” and his team, whom they portray as practically having betrayed Iran's revolutionary ideals. They will not hesitate to claim that Rouhani has basically done nothing or has actually made matters worse by sacrificing national dignity in agreeing with the six world powers to the JCPOA. Among such voices are former Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting Director Ezatollah Zarghami, who has already announced his intention to run for the presidency, and former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who has aggressively critiqued the 11th government, has attacked Rouhani personally, tagging his Instagram posts #margbarrouhani (Down with Rouhani), and supports Hamid Baghaei’s candidacy for the presidency.